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Bigotry Against Yoruba Muslims: Response to Responses

By Farooq A. Kperogi Twitter: @farooqkperogi Last week’s column on the enduring symbolic, cultural, and economic violence against Yoruba Mus...

By Farooq A. Kperogi

Twitter: @farooqkperogi

Last week’s column on the enduring symbolic, cultural, and economic violence against Yoruba Muslims in spite of strategically romanticized and hyperbolized media narratives of unexampled religious ecumenicalism in Yorubaland has stirred a profusion of impassioned responses that invite one last response from me.

First, it’s flattering that such a large number of people found what I wrote important enough to deserve responding with such overpoweringly concentrated emotions. I thank both people who condemned me and those who commended me because only people who find your views worth engaging with will insult or praise you for them. I tell my journalism students here in the US that editors would rather have a cornucopia of angry reactions to stories than none at all because that means people are engaging with the stories.

Having said that, in response to critics who have imputed sinister, conspirative motives to me, let me establish my bona fides for starting this conversation in the demotic public sphere. First, my ideological impulses impel me to always identify with the underdog, the marginalized, the alienated, and the ostracized.

Before I wrote last week’s column, which was actuated by what we call a “news peg” in journalism, i.e., a current event that exemplifies a trend, I was working on an article on Hausa and Fulani Christians in Nigeria’s Northwest and have gathered a lot of information on this. Bishop Hassan Matthew Kukah will bear me witness that I reached out to him for data. I’m also working on Igbo Muslims whose identity momentarily flashed into our public consciousness in the aftermath of the death of Alhaji Abdulaziz Chibuzor Ude in September.

I’ve always written about and lent my moral weight on subaltern populations, including northern Christians. Check the archives. To expect that I won’t bring to light the oppression of Yoruba Muslims just because I also happen to be a Muslim is both churlish and narrowminded. 

Second, I come from a part of Borgu that shares geographic and even cultural boundaries with the predominantly Muslim Oke-Ogun area of Oyo State. I have intimate familiarity with the experiential realities of perpetual symbolic and cultural violence that Muslims in that area endure. Oke-Ogun also happens to be the least developed part of Western Nigeria, and several people there, rightly or wrongly, attribute their marginality to the fact of their being predominantly Muslim.

Third, my late wife, Zainab, was a Yoruba Muslim who graduated from the University of Ibadan. She introduced me to her circle of Yoruba Muslim friends whose experiences of unvarnished hostility and or casual rhetorical inferiorization (with statements like “you don’t look like a Muslim,” “you don’t behave like a Muslim,” “you’re too brilliant to be a Muslim,” etc. often calculated to inspire low self-esteem and instill diminished self-worth for purposes of proselytization) are eerily congruent with what I’d been familiar with in my associations with Oke-Ogun Muslims.

Finally, I’m from Kwara State and know for a fact that the University of Ilorin, although located in the historic Muslim city of Ilorin, used to be one of the most inexplicably anti-Muslim universities in Nigeria. Because it started life as a satellite campus of the University of Ibadan (which is ironically the most merit-driven university in Nigeria), the University of Ilorin was an exclusivist enclave of extremist Pentecostal Yoruba Christians who intentionally shut out Muslims from studentships and from the professoriate. The school was run from churches and Christian fellowships, and only few Muslims were admitted as students and employed as lecturers, mostly as token gestures of paternalistic accommodation.

That stopped in 1997 after Professor Shuaibu Oba Abdulraheem became the institution’s first Ilorin Muslim vice chancellor. He broadened the school’s focus and made it a truly federal institution with some sensitivity to its immediate environment. Kwara State indigenes who never bothered to apply to the school before embraced it for the first time. 

But although Abdulraheem was sometimes extreme in his corrective policies, which was understandable given that he was trying to stamp out a deep-seated culture of religiously-based exclusion of people, he was vilified, ridiculed, libeled, and demonized in the media. He was framed in the media as a violent, intolerant, know-nothing “jihadist.” I couldn’t recognize the soft-spoken, brilliant, compassionate, mild-mannered, even-tempered man who taught me at Bayero University, Kano, in the media portrayals of him.

People who said I’m animated by an agenda to disrupt the praiseworthy (but in reality make-belief) interreligious harmony of Yoruba land by centralizing the taboo conversation about the symbolic and substantive oppression of Yoruba Muslims in their own land are at once unreflective, escapist, and insensitive. 

If just one column by a geographically distant columnist is all it takes to explode the glorious edifice of religious harmony in Yoruba land, then there wasn’t one in the first place. If there was one, it was a phony edifice of harmony that could be knocked down by the faintest wind of scrutiny.

 It’s like white Southerners in the United States who used to say there was racial harmony in the South because Black people, who knew “their place,” didn’t stage mass revolts against slavery and later segregation, and that it was busybody Northern liberals who sowed seeds of discord in the South by letting Black people think they were oppressed. If someone telling you are oppressed causes you to think you’re oppressed, you’re truly oppressed. 

I received literally hundreds of messages from scores of Yoruba Muslims affirming what I wrote. To delegitimize their anguish and angst because you don’t feel what they feel is to be callous and boorish, not to mention disrespectful. 

But I understand what is happening. When you rupture the sedate boundaries of people’s settled and simplistic certainties, when you disturb the taken-for-granted myths that they have internalized and caused to percolate into the public consciousness, they’ll lash out with all the emotional energies they can summon. 

People who have persuaded themselves that they own the exclusive copyright to victimhood and that Muslims can only be villains, not victims, will certainly have a hard time wrapping their heads around the notion that others, too, can be victims, and that they, too, can be oppressors.

Nothing in what I wrote was intended to suggest that Yoruba Christians are uniformly monsters of structural violence against their Muslim brothers and sisters—or that Yoruba Muslims are angels of innocence who are unblemished by the faintest blot of bigotry themselves. 

But it’s undeniable that there is a symbolic power asymmetry between Yoruba Muslims and Yoruba Christians and that Yoruba Christians have instrumentalized their superior symbolic power to evangelize, inferiorize, exoticize, marginalize and even dehumanize their Muslim brothers and sisters. 

Many years ago, former Youth Minister Bolaji Abdullahi related an intriguing encounter he had with the late Afenifere leader Pa Abraham Adesanya when he was an editor at ThisDay. Pa Adesanya called the newspaper and Bolaji Abdullahi picked the phone. Pa Adesanya asked who was on the line and Bolaji Abdullahi answered. “Bolaji what?” Adesanya shot back.

As Abdullahi made clear, Pa Adesanya heard him clearly. He just didn’t think “Bolaji” and “Abdullahi” should collocate in the Yoruba onomastic cosmology, which is ironic because Yoruba people have been bearing “Abdullahi” at least three centuries before they started bearing “Abraham.” And if bearing “Abdullahi” as a last name was the cause of the late sage’s consternation, it would be interesting if he thought the same of name combinations like “Bode Smith” and “Mobolaji Johnson.”

Microaggressions like that from wielders of cultural and symbolic power in Yorubaland are constant companions of Muslims.

To be sure, Muslims do the same to Christians in the Muslim North. But discourses of Muslim oppression of Christian minorities in the North are mainstream in the Nigerian public sphere. Plus, Northern Christians have allies in the dominant news media formation in the country and among progressive Muslims.

Colonel Dangiwa Umar, to give just one example from this year, went out of his way to fight for one Justice Monica Dongban Mensem who was going to be passed over as president of the Court of Appeal on account of her Christianity. In several columns, I provoked the displeasure of fellow Northern Muslims for bringing attention to the systematic exclusion of Northern Christians in northern Nigeria.

But the exclusion of Yoruba Muslims in mainstream Yoruba land wasn’t even a topic of national discourse until last week. If we must solve a problem, we must first admit it exists. The reality is that the cultural, symbolic, and media elites of the region oppress Muslims by making a subliminal association between the negative image of Islam in the Middle East (and elsewhere) and Yoruba Muslims.

They then exteriorize the transgressions of Muslims in distant lands to their own brothers and sisters, which provides justifications to alienate and “other” them. It’s almost like they’re made to suffer vicarious retribution for the sins of their geographically distant co-religionists even though Yorubaland’s sociological soil is infertile for the growth of the seeds of violent Islamic extremism. 

This issue isn’t new in the scholarly public sphere. For example, in her 2009 book titled "Political Spiritualities: The Pentecostal Revolution in Nigeria," Professor Ruth Marshall talks of “the growing interreligious intolerance in the highly mixed Yoruba community” and said this “is undoubtedly linked to the evangelical zeal of young Yoruba Born-Agains and their increasingly aggressive public presence” (p. 226). 

Professor Ebenezer Obadare of the University of Kansas also brilliantly captured this tensile stress in his 2018 book titled “Pentecostal Republic: Religion and the Struggle for State Power in Nigeria.” I am glad that I’ve caused this conversation to spill over to the public sphere.

Related Article:

Ikoyi Tragedy and Casual Bigotry Against Yoruba Muslims

11 comments

  1. You might want to look at the preponderance of muslims in government institutions not just in the southwest but in the federal government too.

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  2. The Yorubas don't live in a utopia of any sort but what I have noticed is that there institutions and mechanisms for conflict resolution - by that I mean the Obas and the council of chiefs. My experience is that the traditional institutions are better at social cohesion and balancing that any of the state governments, local governments or even federal government. I think that is why it looked like the Yorubas have solved the religious harmony issue. It is because they have institutions that can step in and douse tensions. They are only human afterall. For instance a muslim cleric wanted to make it impossible for traditional worshipers to perform a masquerade through his street in front of his house yet this was an infringement on the rights of the traditionalists ; they appealed to the Alaafin for help on the matter and I believe the issue was resolved. Even in land disputes the traditional institutions are relevant like when a land dispute was laid to rest by the Alaafin in present Osun state in the 70's and the matter has not flared up again. No one lives in a utopia it's about managing people.

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  3. Your article for me is a challenge to all us to purse godliness over religiosity.

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  4. Prof, your Yoruba critics don't really believe that you are wrong; what they are trying to say is how dare you? How dare you broach this taboo subject (that everyone is afraid of) so openly? Of course, they are saying this because they don't know you.

    You have mentioned other "underdog" groups in Nigeria that you are also planning to write about which is perfectly in order. Actually, my personal conviction is that the use of favourable power dynamics to alienate and oppress the "other" is part of human nature and I don't think that there is any human group which has passed the opportunity to do that. Even the famous underdogs of Northern Nigeria, the Christians and the minority ethnic groups, are not entirely innocent of that. Take a look at the participation of Muslims in the governance of Plateau State from 1999 to date and you will think that there are no Muslim communities in that state. I suspect that there are as many Muslims in Plateau State as there are Christians in Gombe State but while Gombe has always had a Christian deputy governor, there was never one in Plateau since 1999. Not even a secretary to the government. Muslims in Plateau would be fortunate to be given 2 commissioner slots. A similar situation obtains in Taraba state, although not to the degree of Plateau State. So, there are Muslim underdog groups in the North as well - in Plateau, Taraba and Benue. Humans will always do what humans do.

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    1. Doc, as usual, great, thoughtful response. But while it's true that no society is immune from the sin of oppressing its minorities, some are better than others. And I think we can do something about ours. The first step is to accept that the problem exists. The next is to enact anti-discrimination laws and enforce them and, finally, change the culture that requires CVs/resumes to include ethnicity, religion, marital status, age, etc.

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  5. Prof, you know only too well that the responses to your last week column on the "Ikoyi tragedy and casual bigotry against Yoruba Muslims"were actually *marginal* being newspaper bashings but would have taken another physical dimension if not for the fact that you live in Uncle Sam's land where Naija laws do not operate. For stirring the hornest nest, my brother the so-called polished elites of the southwest Nigeria would have shown their true colours. What you have stated are the golden truths and l wish to add that South West elites, their sociocultural organisation as well as compromised journalists would have openly called for your head.Sadly the Southwest scenario is also applicable in the Greater Nigeria of today. If the one month killings in Zamfara or Katsina had taken place in the South West,you can imagine the attention it would have received from my brothers in government.

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  6. Prof, I was elated the day I read your article of liberation. Your article was the second of such. NASFAT, THE Islamic organisation that started in 1985 started the revolution. Prior to that time, Muslim elites in the south-west found it difficult to answer salamun alaikum when professionals and captains of industries started joining the organisation, they became liberated from the psychological imprisonment subjected to by the Christians neighbours. To you I only say jazaakallah.

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  7. Well, I figured you know, soundly,what you are saying, though I haven't read the article that is generating much furore for & against. I quite agree with you raising the awareness of a problem is halfway to providing or stirring up solutions. Honestly, I had never known that the southwest had such volume of religious ambiguity, bc the consanguineal fraternity seem to & unarguably hold sway in the public domain, especially when the Nigerian proliling discourse is examined. However, my opinion is the Muslim sense of doing things bothering on hygiene, dressing & comportement are the real drivers of the nepotistic treatment meted to them, especially in the South, especially when juxtaposed against the entrenched western values which are better copied by Christians. And, when Muslims breakaway from their cultural tenacities they cross those hurdles of discrimination. Also, names borne are often not issues bc many prosylitized or named after some respected Muslim figures retain those names, even as religious leaders in Christianity.

    Conversely, in the North, the region-based discrimination is far more battle-line drawn, more cultural & currently more juicy-position seeking than for the sake of piety. Because Muslims are also discriminated against based on cultural consanguinity or tribe. There are deeper discriminations against Muslims from the South-West, exemplified by repeating prayer gathering because it was earlier led by a Yoruba, whom the same Northern folks testify of their great & better Islamic knowledge, ironically.

    So,my take is :in the southwest, the socio religious practices of conservative Islam is the true enemy of Muslims, especially in contrast to the broader, ubiquitous & alluring western values. I saw that growing up in the south - religious deep-seated thinking didn't to inform discrimination more than the highly valued, dashboard or bill-board displayed western cultures. The North is a different kettle of fish, because, even when one becomes a convert Muslim, his root hunts & he or she only gets one-tenth of what was promised & suffers no better alienation, even when thrusted as a passport to wade through imposed religious barriers. You can perceive them doing their things as dogs with tails between their legs.

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  8. Your initial submission on this subject and the sequence is to me an unprovoked assualt on peaceful socio-religious interraction of yoruba people. Your analysis of the growth of University of Ilorin, the intervention of 1997 and the timing/event proceeding your write up shows how deep this wrong perception is.
    To be honest, the trend is worrisome because it will turnout to be a canon folder for brutal bigots and hell-bent devourers who have turned certain parts of Nigeria into a dunghill and grave yard of innocent flesh and blood! Remember human imagination can easily be inflamed. Script writers and conjurers exploit this by leaving their audience with little reality and so much to imagine. When you invoke a storm out of a tea cup, hungry bystanders may actually drive it into a tsunami!
    In a Country where misery is spelt with a capital M, the troubled and hungry may soon find reasons for their misfortune in non existing religous discrimination....

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  9. In Nigeria if the realities around didn't kill us then, our hypocrisy will. Those that disagree with your view on Yoruba Muslim persecution in their own land by their own brothers are the same people who indulge in ethnic war in Nigeria thinking they were not noticed in the first place.

    May we be free from the shackles of bad leaders and religious merchants in Nigeria.

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